Award-winning journalist Amy Goodman, host of the daily, grassroots, global, radio/TV news hour Democracy Now!, is on a national speaking tour to celebrate 15 years of DN!, now broadcasting on over 900 public television and radio stations around the world.
WHEN: 4 pm
WHERE: The Troxy, 490 Commercial Road, Shadwell, London, United Kingdom
DESCRIPTION: Amy Goodman will moderate a conversation with WikiLeaks
editor-in-chief Julian Assange and renowned Slovenian philosopher, Slavoj Žižek.
Last year, whistleblower website WikiLeaks released three of the biggest ever leaks of classified information in history: the Iraq War Logs, the Afghanistan War Logs and Cablegate. Since then, ambassadors have resigned amid scandals exposed by leaked cables; the UK government has ordered a review of computer security; and, a wave of protest has swept across the Middle East and North Africa — in part fueled, some believe, by WikiLeaks revelations.
Discussing the impact of WikiLeaks on the world and what it means for the future, as well as the ethics and philosophy behind their work, the talk will provide a rare opportunity to hear two of the world’s most prominent thinkers discuss some of the most pressing issues of our time. This event is presented by the Frontline Club.
U.S. Accomplishments at the UN Human Rights Council: Internet Freedom
The United States worked with Sweden to develop a joint statement, supported by a cross-regional coalition of 40 countries, affirming Internet freedom. We appreciate the timely focus of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression on access to electronic communications and freedom of expression online. The dramatic events unfolding in North Africa, the Middle East, and beyond highlight the importance of new communications tools for political expression and the realization of democratic aspirations.
‘I thought it was the end of the world’ | | Torture in Kashmir - The Pakistan Papers
“I will never be the same,” says Raheel Ali (name changed), a student in his early twenties. In his late teens, Ali was put through physical and psychological torture by the Indian security agencies in the disturbed region of Kashmir.
Currently pursuing his post-graduation, Ali recalled what he went through. “I was thrown into a dark room and tortured. They used gun butts to break my back. While I was still in pain, a stream of blood ran through my nose and head… and when it clotted in my left eye, I went blind. An hour later, some policemen came and began to torture my private parts. This was and will be the most shameful experience for me for the rest of my life. When electric shocks were given to my private parts, I felt that was the end of world and it was perhaps,” he said.
“I recovered from my injuries but everything changed for me. My smile had disappeared, I lost sleep. When I was alone, strange thoughts came to my mind. It was horrible. Then people from the security agencies began to bother me. They made my life hell. I had to give minute details about myself to them every time. This, again, depressed me.”
For Ali, things got out of hand and he sought help from his cousin, a psychiatrist. In Kashmir, where sexual torture is never discussed because of social stigma, Ali was left with no choice but to confide to his family. “I had to tell my brother how they had tortured my private parts with cigarette butts, electric shocks, copper wire and how much pain I felt while urinating. He took me to a doctor and finally, I was put on medication,” says Ali. “On one hand, I had to take psychiatric drugs and on other hand, I had to take antibiotics, healers, etc. I recovered after almost a year… but still I get nightmares about it almost every week.”
Ali feels that his close relationships have been affected because of the torture. “I hate pity. I just hate it when people do that,” he says, as he looks away.
The United Nation’s Convention Against Torture states that torture cannot be “justified under any exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or a threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency”.
According to NGOs working in the Indian administrated Kashmir, last summer several youth and underage boys were picked up by the authorities for participating in street demonstrations against the ‘Indian occupation‘. Often, under the ambit of draconian laws, youth and children as young as ten are held, even in isolation, and not produced in court. Human rights lawyers in Kashmir complain that the details of these detention cases are not recorded, giving the forces involved impunity from prosecution. No First Information Report were lodged against the perpetrators and acts like Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) – Section 4 permit arrest without a warrant.
The armed forces enjoy impunity under AFSPA, which makes it mandatory to seek prior permission of the Central government to initiate any legal proceeding. Even the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) does not have the power to investigate the armed forces under Section 19 of the Human Rights Protection Act 1993 (as amended in 2006).
To make matters worse, most international human rights groups are barred from monitoring the situation in Kashmir. State-appointed commissions, that have investigated several killings and massacres after public outcries, have proven to be toothless. As a result, people no longer view the State as a justice-delivering entity and they have lost faith in all the democratic processes.
Last December, a WikiLeaks release disclosed that US officials had evidence of widespread torture by Indian police and security forces and were secretly briefed by Red Cross staff about the systematic abuse of detainees for extracting confessions in Kashmir, in their leaked diplomatic cables.
The dispatches revealed that in 2005, US diplomats in Delhi were briefed by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) about the use of electrocution, beatings and sexual humiliation against hundreds of detainees. Other cables show that as recently as 2007, American diplomats were concerned about widespread human rights abuses by Indian security forces who, they said, relied on torture for confessions.
Inspector General Jammu and Kashmir Police S. M. Sahai, when asked if booking juveniles and putting them in jail with adults would radicalise them, said, “Sending a impressionable boy to Central Jail can only bring out a more hardened criminal. But we are also stuck in a situation where we have to make a difficult choice. We tell the government what are the kinds of problems we are facing. This is definitely being taken into consideration.”
“It is unfortunate that the parents have allowed their children to step out,” Sahai added. “Kashmir has a very severe parenting problem. You can’t blame the system for everything. This is the basis of fascism. They always use impressionable youth to drive the society in a particular direction, using the fear factor to their own disaster. It’s a conscious choice that people have to make. It’s not about juvenile homes. The best home for a child is a parents’ home. If they cannot control their children, then what can the state do?”
Torture in police custody remains a widespread and systematic practice in India, especially in disturbed states such as Jammu and Kashmir, Assam, Chhattisgarh and Manipur. In a report, Suhas Chakma, Director of the Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR), which has Special Consultative Status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, states, “The NHRC has recorded 16,836 custodial deaths, or an average of 1,203 per year during the period 1994 to 2008; these included 2,207 deaths in police custody and 14,629 deaths in judicial custody.”
“Given well-established practices and consistent documentation of persons being tortured to death in police and prison custody, it is not unreasonable to conclude that a large number of those who died in custody were subjected to torture. Cases of torture not resulting in death are not recorded by the NHRC. Further, the Central para-military forces and the Indian army remain outside the purview of the NHRC under Section 19 of the Human Rights Protection Act, 1993. The actual cases of torture, in reality, run into thousands,” elaborates the ACHR study.
Fasiha Qadri, lawyer and human rights activist who has fought cases in Kashmir, reveals what she has witnessed during her tenure. “In my field experience, the aftershocks of torture haunted the victims even years later. To narrate the shocking experiences made their trauma more intense. All the torture survivors were men, and at times were very reserved with her about narrating the full details of the torture, especially about the torture to their private parts, that has left many men incapacitated for life.”
In her capacity as a lawyer, Qadri feels a majority of cases do not make it to court. “Most of the victims were unable to carry on normal work, seriously cutting down their livelihood prospects. Medical bills and the treatment expenses drain the victims and their families, economically. Most of victims suffer from severe anxiety and depression and their life is never normal again. With such destitution and survival priorities, victims are too pre-occupied to think of fighting a legal battle.”
Dilnaz Boga is an Indian journalist and the recipient of Agence France-Presse Kate Webb Prize for her work in Indian-administered Kashmir.
"If a country like Sweden — I respect Sweden a great deal. It has a long history, tradition and reputation for human rights. Now, if they start to ‘shake’ on these kinds of issues — to accommodate, to make concessions — what can we expect from other countries?" U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture, Theo van Boven
Wikileaks: Kristinn Hrafnsson on Guardian, New York Times and Julian Assange | Crikey
spokesman Kristinn Hrafnsson has savaged The Guardian and New York Times for attempting to rush the publication of WikiLeaks
material, suggesting the issue contributed to the falling-out between the online whistleblower site and the doyens of the progressive mainstream media.
The Guardian and The New York Times
were the key English-language vehicles for the release of both the Iraq and Afghanistan “war logs” and the initial tranche of diplomatic cables WikiLeaks continues to release via over 50 outlets around the world. However, relations between the newspapers and WikiLeaks soured and both outlets and their senior staff have since launched stories highly critical of Julian Assange. The New York Times has also been revealed to have allowed the State Department
to veto and censor WikiLeaks material.
Hrafnsson told Crikey the relationship between WikiLeaks and the newspapers had been going sour from before the release of the Iraq War logs in October 2010. “[The Guardian] said they’d been promised exclusivity; Julian said, ‘no — that was only for the print media.’”
According to Hrafnsson, who is currently in Sydney to participate in tonight’s IQ2 debate, “Is Wikileaks a force for good?”, WikiLeaks had wanted to put back the release of Iraq material for a couple of weeks to finalise the redacting of documents. “We needed to postpone the release. That was met with great resistance and attempts to politically manoeuvre us. The Guardian was trying to claim that the New York Times would break ranks and go early and would not accept the postponement. It wasn’t true. We called their bluff.”
This is a significant revelation, because a standard criticism of WikiLeaks from its enemies within governments and the foreign policy establishment, and indeed from the mainstream media itself, is that the site was too eager to release material that may have placed people identified in the documents in danger.
The contrast has regularly been made with more “responsible” mainstream media, which would have vetted and redacted the material more carefully. The claim has been specifically disproven in relation to a cable that was alleged to have placed Morgan Tsvangirai in danger, but which was revealed to have been released by The Guardian before Wikileaks.
Nonetheless, Hrafnsson says, “no one has been harmed as a result of our releases as far as we know. That has been confirmed by the Pentagon and NATO officials in Afghanistan…Almost a year has passed and we’ve heard of no repercussions. It’s easily forgotten that we withheld one in five field reports from Afghanistan to minimise any harm.”
Hrafnsson noted that the New York Times’s willingness to allow the Obama Administration
to control its release of material also applied to the Iraq war logs. “The Times was a little bit too willing to appease the administration with its release of the war logs.” WikiLeaks now does not promise exclusivity to anyone, but still has a “professional and positive” relationship with its German mainstream media partner Der Spiegel
, its other original media partner.
“I was never expecting [The Guardian and NYT] to be grateful but they could have been more honourable,” Hrafnsson said. “It was clear to me last fall [that The Guardian] saw themselves as the central unit in all of this and in full control. When they realised we wanted some control over how things were carried out, we saw rising animosity from them, which is rather strange. We considered them media partners on an equal footing. The Guardian and the New York Times decided to see us as a source, primarily, and I’ve always thought that was odd because, in my opinion as a journalist, you have a duty to your sources and you have to respect and protect your source. They certainly weren’t doing that.”
The book by Guardian journalists David Leigh and Luke Harding, WikiLeaks, was “most interesting in what it leaves out about the saga,” according to Hrafnsson.
Hrafnsson admitted the decision by Paypal
, Mastercard and Visa to refuse to process donations for WL “has affected our ability to grow and expand”, and the Bank of America has also banned direct transfers to WL (not surprisingly, as it has long been rumoured Wikileaks holds a cache of damaging Bank of America documents, although this now seems unlikely).
“We are a small robust organisation so we’ve been able to keep going but possibly at a slower pace than we would have wanted. We are not going to allow these powerful financial giants to stop us. We will ask volunteers to go into the street with buckets and collect change if necessary…We are surviving. We have some funds to work from.”
Hrafnsson also rejects claims — usually aired by the foreign policy establishment — that diplomatic cable releases have made governments more secretive. “The sky hasn’t fallen in. People are still interacting — perhaps on a more open and honest basis than before.” He notes Robert Gates’s recent condemnation of European NATO partners for not playing a big enough role in Afghanistan and other conflicts.
Hrafnsson feels it is more rewarding working for WikiLeaks than the mainstream media. “It has changed the way I perceive journalism. I think it’s a terribly important addition to the world of journalism and will strengthen journalism in the long run. The aim of journalism is to unearth a fact and, of course, to have an impact. WikiLeaks has certainly had an impact.”
Exactly five months after Tunisia’s autocratic president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali was toppled from power, there are new concerns in one of North Africa’s youngest democracies that government censorship could be returning.
This time, it’s about porn.
The Tunisian government agency regulating the country’s internet said on Tuesday that it was set to begin blocking access to websites containing pornography, according to Agence France-Presse.
Last month, a Tunisian court ruled that websites featuring nudity pose “a danger to young people and were contrary to Muslim values,” reported AFP. An appeals court in Tunisia recently upheld the earlier ruling, forcing Tunisian Internet Agency (ATI) to begin implementing a national firewall for all pornography.
ATI, Tunisia’s main internet service provider, controls virtually all web access in the country.
During Ben-Ali’s two decades of rule, Tunisian media was tightly controlled by the regime. After the former president’s ouster on January 14, many of those restrictions on the press - including government censorship - were lifted.
And, as GlobalPost reported two weeks ago, internet pornography seems to have become extremely popular in that short time.
Five of the top 50 websites visited in post-revolution Tunisia were porn-related, according to statistics gathered by Tunisia’s Business News.
The latest court order for ATI is the second incident of internet censorship since Ben Ali resigned.
Last month Slim Amamou, a member of Tunisia’s interim government and a prominent blogger, resigned due to a perceived increase in government censorship over the internet.
Amamou’s resignation was reportedly triggered by a military order to block four websites.
“Nothing has changed,” Amamou tweeted, according to the Guardian. “We’re still in the Ben Ali era as long as there aren’t new elections.”
Meanwhile, the country’s first elections since the start of the ‘Jasmine Revolution’ have been postponed from July until at least October.
Tunisians head to the polls later this fall to elect a national committee to rewrite the country’s constitution.
CLOSE GUANTÁNAMO WITH JUSTICE NOW Wikileaks files reveal corrupt system of detention
The hundreds of classified “Joint Task Force” documents distributed by Wikileaks to The New York Times, National Public Radio, The Telegraph, McClatcheys and other news organization confirm what critics of the detention camp at Guantanamo have long maintained: that men are detained there based on a patchwork of insinuations, Orwellian double-think, and pseudo-evidence contaminated by torture and an internal system that rewards detainees for speaking against their fellow captives. The prison should therefore be closed, with a fair judicial process – and not the notoriously unreliable assessments of the US military — used to weigh actual evidence in determining the fate of the detained men.
"The Wikileaks documents further reveal Guantanamo as a full systems failure that spans two administrations and implicates every branch of government,” says Matt Daloisio of Witness Against Torture. “If there is any hope to ending the Guantanamo nightmare, it must be found in a time tested system of law instead of fear-driven politics that has led the Congress, the Executive, and the Judiciary to imprison innocent men, justify cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, and fail at holding anyone accountable."
While recording detainees’ minor transgressions of camp policy, the files make scant mention of the abuse — including physical torture — that many suffered at American hands. They describe as suicides the deaths in 2006 of three detained men that, independent evidence suggest, may have been the result of torture. And they reveal that the testimony of unreliable witnesses and informants has repeatedly been used to justify continued detentions.
“Internal assessments like these have been terribly unreliable, as case after case has shown, and as the high percentage of successful habeas challenges suggests,” says Jeremy Varon on Witness Against Torture. “It’s time to turn the page on this dreadful interrogation camp. It can never be reconciled with the law and the values Americans profess. It must close.”
Witness Against Torture demands:
Close the prison at Guantánamo Bay;
Free all prisoners who have been cleared for release, ensuring their safe resettlement and providing asylum in the U.S. for those unable to go elsewhere;
Produce charges against all other prisoners and prosecute them in U.S. courts;
Open all detention centers to outside scrutiny. That includes accepting the oversight of the International Committee of the Red Cross of all facilities; and
Conduct a comprehensive criminal inquiry against all those who designed and carried out torture policies under the Bush administration.
Who We Are: In December 2005, Witness Against Torture drew international attention when its members walked to Guantánamo Bay to protest at the prison. Since its return, the group has organized vigils, marches, nonviolent direct actions, and educational events opposing torture and calling for the close of Guantánamo.
LEAKED #Syrian Intelligence plan to deal with Uprising #deraa #assad #arableaks - Interzone Uprizings
We have recently received Top Secret documents written by the Syrian Arab Republic’s General Directorate Of The Intelligence Services detailing the techniques they will use to push back against the popular uprising. These documents prove that the Syrian government has been waging a systematic campaign of disinformation and brutality against its citezens. They also outline specific PSYOPS techniques they use to manipulate the publics perception.
Some notable PSYOPS reccomendations are:
Forbidding all media outlets from going to the places of unrest, and punishing anyone broadcasting any news which doesn’t serve the state - and not showing any tolerance in this matter.
In case the opposition manages to take pictures or film any videos, the security cell should prepare scenes from the protests and insert loopholes in them, so they can broadcast on state media and subsequently exposed so as to remove credibility from the films/videos of the opposition.
Intense Media campaign accusing protesters and opponents of subservience to Israel, Saudi Arabia and the USA. In the case of killings, the security cell should repeatedly accuse armed or radical gangs, and claim that the security apparatus and army are contributing to the protection of order, stability and the people.
Connecting the protests with personalities who are detested among the Syrian public, such as known Saudi and Lebanese personalities [possibly alluding to March 14] and connecting all of them with Zionism and the USA. There is a plan prepared being prepared by a security cell, which will be introduced/implemented in a suitable, timed way on questionable sites under the name of “Bandar Sultan’s plan”, which is believable and convincing.
The text below is the full translation of the documents originally drafted April 30’th 2011 . The Arabic transcription will be included afterwards along with the original image files.
If you would like to download the full archive via i2ptorrent the magnet link is included below:
General Directorate Of The Intelligence Services / Top Secret
Detailed Plan for implementation:
There is a rising sentiment among a specific group aiming at imitating what happened in Tunisia and Egypt by making use of the current economic conditions in the state and the international environment, which is currently supportive of popular movments. This sentiment might increase after what happened in the city of Dar’aa a few days ago.
It is imperative to make use of the previous experience in dealing with the hostile Muslim Brotherhood movement, and to learn from the mistakes of the Tunisian and Egyptian regime, especially since they neutralized the power of the army and Republican Guard from the beginning, and allowed media outlets to cover every movement until matters got out of control.
In the detailed plan, things won’t get to point where the regime or state is endangered or the current continuation [of rule] is under threat, and the final result will be passage of many tiresome months, and after that the regime emerge more powerful indefinitely.
The minature security panel consisting of A.S. [likely to be Asef Shawkat], M.N., H.K., A.M., H.M. covened at 23/3/2011 regarding opposition protests and discussed the matter from all its aspects (Security, Economic, Political) and has set the following measures: It is stressed that the treatment of the matter requires shared security-media-political-economic work in the least.
The plan depends on thee complementary factors: Media [PR], security and field perfroamnce, political and economic.
- Connecting the protests with personalities who are detested among the Syrian public, such as known Saudi and Lebanese personalities [possibly alluding to March 14] and connecting all of them with Zionism and the USA. There is a plan prepared being prepared by a security cell, which will be introduced/implemented in a suitable, timed way on questionable sites under the name of “Bandar Sultan’s plan”, which is believable and convincing.
- Intense Media campaign accusing protesters and opponents of subservience to Israel, Saudi Arabia and the USA. In the case of killings, the security cell should repeatedly accuse armed or radical gangs, and claim that the security apparatus and army are contributing to the protection of order, stability and the people.
- Indirect media campaign on TV and privately-owned channels about sectarian strife/disorder, and instilling fear of the Muslim Brotherhood in Christians and Druze, warning them of the reprisals they might face by them if they did not participate in ending the protests. Enlisting the Alawites in the coastal regions so they can defend ‘their’ regime and lives, which are going to be threatend by Sunni radicalism.
- Instructing some security units in all security agencies to work within Facebook to respond to and disrupt the communication of the opponents, labeling them as opponents of the regime with fake names/nicknames, posting views/opinions which damage the reputation of the opposition, and possibly also exposing ‘schemes and plans’ hostile to the president and the state.
- Forbidding all media outlets from going to the places of unrest, and punishing anyone broadcasting any news which doesn’t serve the state - and not showing any tolerance in this matter.
- In case the opposition manages to take pictures or film any videos, the security cell should prepare scenes from the protests and insert loopholes in them, so they can broadcast on state media and subsequently exposed so as to remove credibility from the films/videos of the opposition.
== PAGE 2 ====================================
- When being prevented from providing coverage or intervening, the media often relies on eyewitnesses, and we expect that a few of them would dare to call satellite channels to provide their testimony - therefore it is the responsibility of the ‘media/press intelligence’ cell to prepare some eyewitnesses from ‘professional security agents’ to contact satellite channels and provide them with exaggerated testimony, with the prerequisite that it should contain loopholes, so it can be directly exposed in our State Media and also on satellite channels in order to ‘damage the credibility of any eyewitnesses’.
- Instructing some members of the people’s assembly to respond to the ‘opponents’ and ‘vandalists’, and to provide them with some points and specifics on how to respond to them.
- Instructing some personalities from the state apparatus located in the place of the protests to respond to the protesters and ‘opponents’.
- In case the protests are too intense and hard to ignore, it is inevitable that the ‘opposition’ should be turned into local demands specific to the region only.
- Sending a convoy of cars carrying pictures of the president, with the possibility of adding the Syrian flag, with the help of security units, their friends, children of government officials and army officers inside cities, and providing these cars with sirens similar to those equipped on ambulances, to create awe within the spirits of bypassers and residents.
- Inviting some moderates within the opposition to [interviews] on State TV, with the possibility of using ‘shaming’ and some courtesy to persuade them, for this dilutes their demands and turns them to trivial, simple demands they’re asking the president to fulfill for them. This is also useful for creating splits in the protective and opposing factions within the oppostion.
- The announcement of strict instructions by the Ministry Of Education to ‘warn’ schools and pupils about the usage of the Internet and Facebook.
- Instructing some artists loyal to us or ‘captured’ by us to talk to [people in] the places where the protests are happening or the opposition in accordance to what we provide them with.
About the security cells and field performance:
- No tolerance of any harm to the image of the highest symbol [of the state] (possibly referring to the president), because this, if tolerated, will increase the opposition’s ability to cross all lines.
- It is expected that the opposition’s gatherings will be held in places with high population density in order to draw attention and encourage others to join them, and here it’s needed to ‘blockade/barricade’ and isolate the place as much as possible and to sneak in security units in civilian clothes in between the protesters to create disputes and foil/disperse the gathering as soon as possible, and also to arrest some of the ‘vandalists’ if needed.
- Instructing the ‘Information Security’ branch in the administration and in the centre for scientific studies to cooperate with the two mobile phone providers to monitor the cell- and landline phones of some expected and known ‘inciteful’ and opposition personalities.
- Calling and ‘summoning’ the youth to instill a fear of participation [in the protests] in them, arresting some of them and announcing a ‘general conscription’ in the armed forces in order to exhaust [the strength] of the youths and activists with visiting the recruitment offices.
- Exhausting the strength of the opponents and symbols of the opposition with lawsuits of all shapes and forms, slandering their moral and religious reputation, and it is possible to use some means prepared specifically for this purpose.
- Forbidding prominent members of the opposition from all travel, regardless of reason.
- Instructing the Military Security branch to monitor all mid- and high-level command in the army, especially Sunni ones.
- In the case of violent confrontations between army units and protesters, it is required to issue a clear order to cease all fire [from the side of the army], with the order not being applicable to trained Security Forces, and units belonging to the ‘serba’ and ‘souda’ companies, and to use snipers within these companies in a non-apparent way to prevent the localization of the source of the fire - also to increase cover: There is no problem in killing some units and officers of the army, as this is useful in increasing the animosity of the army towards the protesters.
- In any place the protests go out of control:
- Isolation of the place with security and army forces, and cutting off electricity, communications, and internet.
- Arresting some influential personalities from this place, and if the situation is critical - killing them.
- Making use of some smugglers and criminals, flooding the place with them and creating a state of chaos.
- Sending trained security forces in civilian clothing to the place of the protests, who should attempt to convince the protesters of using weaponary against the army and security forces.
- Deploying security forces and units from the ‘serba’ and ‘souda’ companies with snipers in organised campaigns during the protests, with the number of fatalities not exceeding 20 every time, because this might expose the matter and make a case for outside intervention
== PAGE 3 ====================================
- Depolying Druze and Christian units/officers in the army to the places of protest and tempting them to defend themselves, also depolying units of the army based in remote regions to prevent cases of refusal, rebellion, or hesitation.
- If a critical or potentially dangerous situation develops, getting everyone to choose between security and stability, or the freedoms they’re demanding, and here they will choose their security and safety. This can be implemented with some assassinations [of individuals] belonging to different sects and clans, or detonating some places of worship in regions with intense protests.
- Planning/Sending out a massive demonstration in favour of the president before his speech in front of the people’s assembly, so his speech would be a response to the demands of the masses and nothing more. Strict instructions should be issued here to government institutions, syndicates, unions and schools to gather employees and pupils and issue new slogans/banners to them.
The president’s anticipated speech:
- Delaying the speech as much as possible, as this delay is an expression of the state’s power and its immunity to the current events - it also contributes to clearing the image and setting the amount of political movement needed. Any change we might be forced to make must be presented as if we were the ones who started it and called for it.
- Giving a picture stable impression of the regime.
Measures that can be presented in the president’s speech before the people’s assembly:
- Increasing the salary of government and public sector employees after consulting the minister of treasury and putting plans for returning the economic stability with 3 months, especially if this raise might destabilise the current economic interests.
- Promising to create new jobs to distribute among the governorates.
- Lowering the price of some essential goods.
- Partial governmental change and exposure of the corruption of some ministers - this requires one security panel to decide which ministers will be sacrificed.
- Lowering the price of mobile phone calls officially, with the possibility of reclaiming part of the losses through hidden costs.
- Giving personal and public privileges to some Muslim and Christian religious figures who are close to the regime and using them to slander the protesters and the opposition, and asking them to use convinsing verses from the Qu’ran or specific hadiths discouraging them from participating in the current events.
- Sending official figures acceptable to the people to talk with opposition and to ask them to accept the political leadership’s attempts to converse with them - some of them will accept immediately, some will accept with reservations, and some will reject the matter entirely. This is useful in creating disputes and splits within the opposition and preventing them from appearing as an effective, monolithic actor which can be influential in the protest movement.
- Responding to some of the Kurdish demands regarding citizenship, but only if that happens in a way that doesn’t change anything in the state and society or disrupts the current balances - and this response is only to conscript them and suppress their acceptance of foreign intervention if the opposition protests intensify - for the northeastern region is the only problem in regard to this issue as the other regions are not expect to accept such a thing.
- Instructing Syrian embassies overseas, as well as the foreign ministry to reassure the USA and the European states, and reminding that the Golan front might be suspectible to instability if the radicals succeed and gain control.
- Instructing the Syrian embassy in all states to monitor Syrians and their behaviour - the foreign ministry is to act in this matter.
- Preparing security and media teams for implementation as soon as possible and as secretly as possible.
Note: The entirety of the detailed plan is not to be put in the hands of anyone or any team of the operation, but should be split into branches and sections
الجمهورية العربية السورية
إدارة المخابرات العامة
بدون تسجيل - سري للغاية
إدارة المخابرات العامة - سري جداً
الخطة العامة للتثبيت:
هناك توجه متزايد لدى فئة ضئيلة نحو تقليد ما حدث في تونس ومصر بالاستفادة من الظروف الاقتصادية في القطر والجو الخارجي المناصر للتحركات الشعبية. وهذا التوجه ربما يزداد بعد ما جرى في مدينة درعا منذ أيام قليلة.
لا بد من الاستفادة من التجربة الماضية في التعامل مع حركة الاخوان المسلمين العدائية, والاستفادة من اخطاء النظام التونسي والمصري خاصة أنهما قاما بتحييد قوة الجيش والحرس الجمهوري منذ البداية وسمحوا لوسائل الإعلام لتغطية كل تحرك حتى خرجت الأمور عن السيطرة.
لن تصل الأمور باستخدام الطرق المرسومة في الخطة التفصيلية إلى حالة خطرة على النظام العام والقطر أو تهدد الاستمرارية القائمة وستكون الحصيلة الإجمالية مرور عدة أشهر متعبة وبعدها يخرج النظام أقوى إلى أجل غير محدد.
اجتمعت اللجنة الأمنية المصغرة المؤلفة من كل من أ ش, م ن, ح خ , ع م, ح م, بتاريخ 23 3 2011 فيما يخص الاحتجاجات والتظاهرات المعادية وناقشت الأمر من جميع جوانبه الأمنية والسياسية والإعلامية ووضعت التدابير والإجراءات التالية: وثم التأكيد أن المعالجة تتطلب اشراك ثلاثة انواع من العمل : أمني وإعلامي وسياسي اقتصادي بالحدود الدنيا.
تعتمد الخطة على ثلاثة عناصر متكاملة: إعلامي - أمني وأداء ميداني – سياسي اقتصادي.
- ربط التظاهرات والاحتجاجات المعادية للنظام بالشخصيات مكروهة عند السوريين كالشخصيات السعودية واللبنانية المعروفة وربط الجميع بالصهيونية وأمريكا. هناك خطة تقوم خلية أمنية بإعدادها وإدخالها بالطرق المناسبة بشكل مؤقت في مواقع مشبوهة باسم خطة بندر بن سلطان قابلة للتصديق والإقناع.
- حملة إعلامية مكثفة تتهم المحتجين والمعادين بالعمالة للسعودية وإسرائيل وأمريكا, وفي حالة حدوث عمليات قتل يجب على الخلية الأمنية الإعلامية تكرار اتهام عصابات مسلحة أو متطرفة وأن الأجهزة الأمنية والجيش يساهمان في حفظ الأمن والاستقرار والأهالي.
- حملة إعلامية غير مباشرة في التلفزيون والقنوات الخاصة والشوارع حول الفتنة الطائفية وتخويف المسيحيين والدروز من الإخوان المسلمين والتطرف الذي سيواجهونه إذا لم يشاركوا في إنهاء الاحتجاجات وفي منطقة الساحل استنفار العلوين ليدافعوا عن نظامهم وحياتهم التي ستصبح مهددة من قبل التطرف السني.
- تكليف بعض العناصر الأمنية في كافة الأجهزة الأمنية بالعمل من خلال الفيسبووك للرد والتشويش على المعادين, وجعل بعضهم يأخذ صفة معادية للنظام بأسماء مستعارة وطرح أساليب وتوجهات تسيء إلى سمعة المعارضين, وكذلك يمكن لهم كشف الأساليب والمخططات المعادية للسيد الرئيس والقطر.
- منع وسائل الإعلام من التواجد في أماكن الشغب, ومعاقبة من ينقل أي خبر لا يخدم القطر, وعدم إظهار أي تهاون في هذا الأمر.
- في حال تمكن المعادون من تصوير أو نقل أية فيدوهات أو صورة ينبغي قيام الخلية الأمنية الإعلامية بتجهيز مشاهد عن الاحتجاجات ووضع ثغرات فيها يمكن بعدها عرضها على الإعلام السوري والشبكات الإعلامية الأخرى وفضح هذه الثغرات وبالتالي يعمم هذا في ذهن الجميع لإفقاد أشرطة وصور المعادين مصداقيتها.
اضغط على الصورة لمشاهدة الصفحة الثانية
- تعتمد وسائل الإعلام عندما يمنع المراسلين فيها عن التغطية والتدخل على شهود العيان, ونتوقع أن يتجرأ البعض ويتصلوا بالفضائيات كشهود عيان، لذلك يقع على عاتق الخلية الأمنية الإعلامية تجهيز بعض شهود العيان من العناصر الأمنية المحترفة للتحدث مع الفضائيات على أن يكون شهادتهم مبالغة وثغرات يمكن فضحها مباشرة في إعلامنا ومع الفضائيات، وبالتالي تصبح قضية شهود العيان ورقة محروقة.
- تكليف بعض أعضاء مجلس الشعب بمهام للرد على المعادين والمخربين، ووضع بعض النقاط والمحددات لهم في طريقة الرد.
- تكليف بعض الشخصيات في أجهزة الدولة من مناطق الاحتجاج ذاتها بالرد على المحتجين والمعادين.
- في حال كانت حالة العداء شديدة ويصعب التغاضي عنها، لا بد من تحويل العداء إلى مجرد مطالب محلية خاصة بالمنطقة وحسب.
- تسيير قوافل سيارات تحمل صور السيد رئيس الجمهورية، ويمكن أن يضاف لها العلم السوري، من قبل عناصر الأمن وأصدقائهم وأولاد المسؤولين والضبا داخل المدن، وتزويد بعض هذه السيارات بزمامير ممائلة لسيارات الإسعاف لخلق الرهبة في نفوس المارين والسكان.
- استضافة بعض المعارضين في التلفزيون السوري، ويمكن استخدام التخجيل وشي من اللباقة معهم، فهذا يخفف مطالبهم ويحولها إلى مطالب بسيطة يطلبون من السيد الرئيس تقديمها لهم، كما لهذا الأمر فائدة في خلق شروخ داخل الرؤوس الحامية والمعادية في المعارضة.
- إصدار وزارة التربية لتعليمات مشددة وتحذيرات للمدارس والطلاب حول استخدام الفيسبووك.
- تكليف بعض الفنانين المعروفين بولائهم أو الممسوكين من قبلنا بالحديث مع مناطق الاحتجاج أو بالرد على المعارضين والمحتجين بحسب ما نضعه لهم.
العنصر الأمني والأداء الميداني:
- عدم التهاون في المس بالرمز الأعلى مهما كانت الأثمان، لأن ذلك إن تم السكوت عنه سيزيد من قدرة المعادين على تجاوز جميع الخطوط.
- يتوقع أن تكون تجمعات المعادين والمحتجين في أماكن الاكتظاظ السكاني من أجل لفت الانتباه وطمعا منهم في تشجيع الآخرين على الانضمام لهم، وهنا يجب محاصرة المكان قدر الإمكان والتغطية عليهم وإدخال عناصر أمنية بلباس مدني بين المحتجين لإثارة الخلاف بينهم وإفشال التجمع وفضه بأسرع وقت ممكن، وإذا اضطر الأمر اعتقال بعض العناصر الفاعلة المخربة بينهم.
- تكليف فرع المعلومات في الإدارة وفي مركز الأبحاث العلمية بالتعاون مع شبكتي المحمول بمراقبة جدية لخطوط الهواتف الأرضية والمحمولة لبعض الشخصيات المحرضة والمعادية المعروفة والمتوقعة.
- حالات استدعاء وجلب للشباب لخلق الرهبة والتردد عندهم بالمشاركة، واعتقال البعض منهم وإعلان تعبئة عامة في الجيش والقوات المسلحة لإرهاق الشباب والناشطين بمراجعة شعب التجنيد.
- إرهاق المعارضين والرموز بالدعاوى القضائية من جميع الأشكال وتشويه سمعتهم الأخلاقية والدينية، ويمكن استخدام وسائل معدة مسبقاً في هذا الشأن.
- عدم السماح بالسفر للشخصيات المؤثرة في المعارضة السورية في الداخل تحت أي ظرف كان.
- قيام فرع الأمن العسكري برقابة صارمة داخل الجيش والقوات المسلحة على القيادات المتوسطة والعليا، خاصة القيادات السنية.
- لدى حصول مواجهات بين عناصر الجيش والمحتجين والمعادين يجب إصدار أمر واضح بعدم إطلاق النار من قبل الجيش، ويبقى ذلك محصوراً بالعناصر الأمنية المدربة وعناصر الكتيبتين السرية والسوداء، واستخدام القناصة في الكتيبتين بشكل غير مكشوف لمنع تحديد مصدر إطلاق النار، وزيادة في التمويه لا بأس من قتل بعض عناصر وضباط الجيش، وهذا يفيد في استنفار عداء الجيش ضد المحتجين.
- أي مكان تخرج فيه الاحتجاجات العدائية عن السيطرة:
عزل المكان ومحاصرته بقوى الأمن والجيش، وقطع الكهرباء والاتصالات وشبكة الانترنت.
اعتقال بعض الشخصيات المؤثرة من هذا المكان، وإن كانت الظروف حرجة قتلها.
استخدام بعض المهربين والمجرمين وإغراق المكان بهم وخلق حالة من الفوضى
إدخال عناصر أمنية مدربة بلباس مدني ضمن منطقة الاحتجاج ومحاولاتهم إقناع المحتجين باستخدام السلاح ضد قوات الجيش والأمن
دخول قوات الأمن وعناصر الكتيبتين السرية والسوداء مع القناصين في حملات منظمة أثناء الاحتجاجات ولكن يجب ألا يزيد عدد القتلى عن عشرين في كل مرة، لأن ذلك قد يجعل الأمر مفضوحاً وقد يجر إلى حالة تدخل خارجية
اضغط على الصورة لمشاهدة الصفحة الثالثة
- استخدام عناصر و ضباط في الجيش من المسيحيين و الدروز في الدخول لمناطق الاحتجاج المعادي و إغراؤهم بالدفاع عن أنفسهم, و كذلك استخدام وحدات من الجيش عناصرها بعيدة عن مناطق الاحتجاج منعاً لحالات الرفض و التمرد و التردد في تنفيذ الأوامر.
- في حال وصلت الأمور إلى حالة حرجة و خطرة جر الجميع للاختيار بين الأمن و الاستقرار و الحريات التي يطالبون بها, و سيختارون هنا بقاء الأمن و سلامتهم. و هذا يمكن تنفيذه ببعض الاغتيالات من طوائف و عشائر مختلفة أو تفجير بعض أماكن العبادة في أماكن التوتر الكبيرة.
العنصر السياسي الاقتصادي:
- إخراج مسيرة حاشدة و مؤيدة للسيد رئيس الجمهورية قبل خطابه أمام مجلس الشعب كي يكون الخطاب استجابة لمطالب الجماهير وحسب. وهنا يجب إصدار تعليمات صارمة للمؤسسات الحكومية و النقابات و المدارس بحشد الموظفين و الطلاب, و توزيع شعارات جديدة عليهم.
خطاب الرسيد رئيس الجمهورية المتوقع:
تأجيل الخطاب قدر المستطاع فهذا التأجيل تعبير عن قوة الدولة و عدم اهتمامها و اكتراثها بما قد يحدث, كما يساهم في جلاء الصورة و تحديد مقدار التحرك السياسي و الإعلامي و الميداني المطلوب.
أي تغيير قد نضطر له يجب إظهاره بأننا نحن من بدأنا به و نادينا إليه.
إعطاء صورة عن تماسك كل أركان النظام.
- الإجراءات التي يمكن عرضها في الخطاب الرئاسي امام مجلس الشعب:
زيادة رواتب العاملين في الدولة و القطاع الحكومي بعد استشارة السيد وزير المالية ووضع خطة لعودة الاستقرار المالي خلال مدة 3 شهور, خاصة أن هذه الزيادة قد تؤدي لارباك المصالح الاقتصادية المستقرة اليوم.
إطلاق وعد بخلق فرص عمل جديدة موزعة على المحافظات.
مقدار من التخفيض الممكن على سعر المازوت و بعض السلع الاساسية
تغيير حكومي جزئي وفضح فساد بعض الوزراء/ هذا يحتاج للجنة أمنية واحدة تحتار من الوزراء الذين يجب التضحية بهم/ يساهم في اقناع المواطنين بجدية تحرك القيادة السياسية نحو تحركات إصلاحية.
تخفيض تعرفة مكالمات الهاتف المحمول رسمياً يمكن استعادة قسم منها من خلال الرسوم غير الملحوظة.
- تقديم بعض المزايا الشخصية و العامة لرجال الدين المسلمين و المسيحيين المقربين من النظام و استخدامهم في التوجه للناس وذم المحتجين و المعادين للنظام, و الطلب منهم الاستعانة بآيات و أحاديث مقنعة تبعدهم عن المشاركة فيما يجري.
- إرسال شخصيات رسمية مقبولة نسبياً إلى المعارضة الداخلية تطرح عليهم قبول القيادة السياسية للتحاور معهم, و طبعاً سيقبل البعض منهم مباشرة, وبعضهم سيقبل بشروط و بعضهم سيرفض, وهذا مفيد في ظهور جدال و خلاف مستمر وعدم ظهورهم ككتلة متوافقة و مؤثرة, و إبعادهم عن التأثير في التحرك الاحتجاجي.
- الاستجابة لبعض المطالب الكردية الخاصة بالتجنيس فقط على أن يتم ذلك بشكل لا يغير من الوضع في الدولة والمجتمع وعدم تخريب التوازنات القائمة في الواقع الراهن وهذه الاستجابة من أجل تجنيدهم وكذلك لاستبعاد توجههم المؤكد في استقبال قوات أجنبية معادية فيما لو زادت الاحتجاجات المعادية عن المتوقع. فالمنطقة الشمالية الشرقية هي الثغرة الوحيدة من هذه الناحية, أما بقية المناطق فلا يوجد احتمال قبول هذا الأمر.
- إصدار السفارات السورية في الخارج ووزارة الخارجية السورية لتطمينات مستمرة لأمريكا والدول الأوربية وتذكيرهم بإمكانية تعرض الاستقرار على جبهة الجولان للاهتزاز في حال وصل المتطرفون وأمسكوا بزمام الأمور.
- مراقبة السفارة السورية في جميع الدول للسوريين وتصرفاتهم وسلوكياتهم /على وزارة الخارجية التصرف بهذا الشأن/
المناطق الساخنة المتوقعة: درعا – دير الزور – حماة – بانياس – وبعض الأحياء المتفرقة من مدن أخرى.
تجهيز الطواقم الأمنية والإعلامية الضرورية للتنفيذ في أسرع وقت ممكن وبشكل سري للغاية.
ملاحظة: الخطة التفصيلية الكاملة لا توضع أبدأ بين يدي أحد أو أي طاقم من طواقم العمل. ولكن يتم تجزئتها إلى فروع وأقسام.
This information comes to us via:
ArabLeaks is a distributed organization which publishes and analyzes information though an uncensorable approach — focusing on documents, photos and video which have political or social significance. ArabLeaks accepts classified, censored or otherwise restricted material of political, diplomatic or ethical significance. WikiLeaks does not accept rumour, opinion or other kinds of first hand reporting or material that is already publicly available. For everyone who is digging for the truth or who has its keys, our organization publishes top-secret official documents related to the Arab world. We pay a specific attention to the uprising situations in Syria, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen. We deploy the highest standards of professionalism and competency. Our resources are kept unrevealed. It’s time to open the archives.
إلى كل من يبحث عن الحقيقة أو يملك مفاتيحها، تقوم مؤسستنا بنشر تقارير سرية وموثقة تتعلق بالعالم العربي. كما أننا نهتم بالشأن السوري والمصري والليبي والتونسي واليمني. نحن منبر ذو طابع تعددي ونتبع أعلى درجات الحيادية والمهنية ونحافظ على سرية مصادرنا. نحن لانمثل أي جهة عامة أو مؤسسة خاصة. هدفنا كشف الحقائق للرأي العام العربي والعالمي. إذا كان لديك وثائق سرية ذات قيمة لفضح الأنظمة القمعية وممارساتها الغير شرعية كسرقة المال العام والتعذيب والفساد الإداري والإقتصادي والإعلامي والأمني، يرجى التواصل معنا عبر الإيميل. حان وقت كشف المستور
ArabLeaks est une organisation distribuée qui publie des analyses et des informations même si une approche censurer - en se concentrant sur des documents, photos et vidéo qui ont une importance politique ou sociale. ArabLeaks accepte classés, censurés ou d’autres restrictions des documents d’importance politique, diplomatique ou éthiques. Wikileaks n’accepte pas les rumeurs, d’opinion ou d’autres types de rapports de première main ou matériel qui est déjà accessible au public. Pour tous ceux qui sont à creuser pour la vérité ou qui a ses clés, notre organisation publie des documents officiels top-secret lié au monde arabe. Nous portons une attention spécifique aux situations insurrection en Syrie, Egypte, Libye, Tunisie et Yémen. Nous déployons les plus hauts standards de professionnalisme et de compétence. Nos ressources sont conservés non révélé. Il est temps d’ouvrir les archives.
PLEASE SHARE. It may not be strictly Wikileaks but ArabLeaks was inspired by them, and this documentation could be used as evidence in an international court to prove the Assad regime guilty of crimes against humanity.
Timothy Lawson, Mixed Reactions to Papal letter on Irish child sex abuse
By Timothy Lawson
For the last three decades, the Catholic Church has been plagued by accusations, scandals and lawsuits associated predominantly with the sexual abuse of minors by Catholic priests. On the 18th of March this year, Pope Benedict XVI issued a formal apology to victims of child sex abuse by members of the clergy in Ireland; he also ordered an official inquiry to address the scandal.
The apology is a solid step forward, at least in acknowledging the extent of the problem, since these new cases started to surface. Nevertheless, the letter has become quite controversial. Victims in Ireland have criticised the apology as an insufficient response, saying “it does not go far enough”. Irish victims also accused the Pope of evading the question of Vatican responsibility. Other grievances with the letter were that it failed to address large-scale calls in Ireland for a radical overhaul of the Church structure following its failure to rule that Bishops implicated in the scandal should resign.
The letter, which addressed bishops, priests and victims of child sex abuse stated: “You have suffered grievously and I am truly sorry”. It also said “I can only share in the dismay and sense of betrayal that so many of you have experienced on learning of these sinful and criminal acts and the way the Church authorities in Ireland dealt with them”.
The actual abuse of minors is only part of the controversy; a large part of it also lies with how some members of the Catholic hierarchy have behaved when confronted with the issue: some members have refrained from alerting secular authorities, instead relocating the accused individual to another area in which the child abuse could continue. On some occasions the offending individual was made to undergo psychological counselling for their actions and/or engage in penance for their sins before being relocated. Some psychiatrists and members of the clergy have argued that the prevailing psychology of the time suggested that people could be cured of this type of affliction through counselling.
Benedict singled out Irish bishops and sharply criticised them over their handling of abuse and paedophilia cases in the past, telling them “It must be admitted that grave errors of judgement were made and failures of leadership occurred. All this has seriously undermined your credibility and effectiveness … Only decisive action carried out with complete honesty and transparency will restore the respect and goodwill of the Irish people toward the Church.”
Some members of the Church hierarchy and other commentators have argued that the media coverage of this issue has been excessive given that abuse occurs much more frequently in other institutions. Coverage and attention in the mass media has led to the popular image of the paedophile Catholic priest; yet only 4% of Catholic priests have had a sexual experience with a minor- half the rate for the adult male population.
Criticism from commentators unhappy with the apology have said that the scandal highlights deep-seated problems with mandatory celibacy in the Catholic Church priesthood.
Pope Benedict himeslf has also become a target for much of the criticism of the Catholic Church, and the absence of a mention of the current scandal in his Easter address upset some victims. With famous athiests Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens now mounting a campaign to have him arrested when he visits England later this year, it is clear that the Pope’s problems will not be going away anytime soon.